The Late Antique Church of Saint Demetrius in Sirmium: Problems of Evidence

Introduction↑

The modern city of Sremska Mitrovica in Serbia (ancient Sirmium) preserves in its name the memory of Saint Demetrius, a Late Antique martyr who continues to hold a central place in the city’s sacred landscape, as both the Serbian Orthodox church in the city centre and the Roman Catholic cathedral bear his name (fig. 1).

After Bratož 2004, p. 252, Anhang 2.

This central role of Saint Demetrius can be traced throughout the longue durée of Sremska Mitrovica’s history, as the medieval city bore the name Villa/Civitas Sancti Demetrii.¹1. Ћирковић 1969, (…) Moving from the present day back through the medieval period and further into Late Antiquity, we reach the era in which Saint Demetrius lived and died. His martyrdom, dated to 304,²2. All dates are i (…) was recognised in Sirmium, where, according to the Passio altera (BHG 497), the Praetorian Prefect Leontius ordered a church dedicated to him to be constructed.³3. Rizos (ed.) 201 (…)

However, recent scholarship examining the possible translatio of the cult of Saint Demetrius from Sirmium to Thessaloniki has raised doubts about the credibility of Novella 11 (De privilegiis Archiepiscopi Primae Iustinianae) issued by Emperor Justinian I (527–565) in 535—the only source that refers to Sirmium as the seat of the Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum in the 5th century. Additionally, recent scholarship examining the possible translatio of the cult of Saint Demetrius from Sirmium to Thessaloniki has raised doubts about the literal reliability of the Passio altera (BHG 497), particularly concerning its account of the individual responsible for the construction of the Church of Saint Demetrius at Sirmium,⁴4. Tóth 2010, p. 1 (…) traditionally linked to the transfer of what remained of Roman Pannonia to the Eastern Roman Empire after the Hunnic invasion.⁵5. Поповић 2003 (1 (…)

In light of these differing interpretations, there is a need to re-evaluate the status quaestionis of this church, and the purpose of this study is to summarise the recent criticisms of the source pertaining to the construction of the church; and explore, within this newly established scholarly framework, the church excavated at Site 59 in Sirmium, which the majority of authors identify as the Church of Saint Demetrius,⁶6. Поповић 2003 (1 (…) while others have expressed greater restraint due to the absence of epigraphic confirmation.⁷7. Smirnov-Brkić 2 (…)

Brief Historical context↑

The greatest expansion of Sirmium occured during the Tetrarchic and Constantinian periods, when its strategically favourable location—close to, yet safely behind, the imperial frontier, and well connected with Dalmatia, Italy, northern Pannonia, and the central Balkans—was recognised by emperors who were frequently on the move. For these reasons, Sirmium was selected as one of the imperial residential centres of the Roman Empire. This status brought about extensive construction activity in both the city and its surrounding countryside, including the establishment of a mint, imperial arms and wool-processing workshops, an imperial palace, a hippodrome, and a horreum.⁸8. Jeremić 2016, p (…)

Several emperors occasionally resided in Sirmium: Diocletian (284–305), Galerius (305–311), Constantine I (306–337), Licinius (308–324), and Constantius II (337–361). Finally, Emperor Theodosius I (379–395) was proclaimed in Sirmium.⁹9. Seeck 1919, p. (…) The city’s economic situation began to deteriorate after the Battle of Adrianople in 378 (Edirne, Türkiye), initiating a gradual process of depopulation and disintegration of the previously well-established urban fabric. Finally, in 441, Sirmium was conquered by the Huns.¹⁰10. Поповић 2003 (1 (…)

In a period roughly from the late 3rd to the first third of the 4th century, series of administrative reforms were introduced, aimed at improving the efficiency of imperial governance, countering potential usurpers more effectively, and addressing the constant threats posed by external enemies. These reforms included the division of the existing provinces into smaller ones and their organisation into dioceses, which were in turn grouped into larger administrative entities known as prefectures.¹¹11. Porena 2003, p. (…)

Sirmium belonged to the province of Pannonia Secunda, within the Diocese of Pannonia and the Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum, Italy, and Africa. However, its administrative history during the period in question is complex. In the 4th century, the Dioceses of Pannonia, Dacia, and Macedonia formed a separate Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum for several short intervals. The final division occurred a few years after the death of Emperor Theodosius I (379–395), when Pannonia became part of the Western Roman Empire and was not part of the Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum of the pars Orientis.¹²12. Gračanin 2011, (…)

The transfer of Sirmium to the Eastern Roman Empire remains a debated issue in scholarship, both regarding its chronology (mid-420s versus 437) and its territorial scope. Some scholars emphasise the formal cession of 437, drawing primarily on mid-6th-century testimonies such as Cassiodorus’ Variae and Jordanes’ Romana.¹³13. Gračanin 2005, (…) Others, however, have suggested that eastern administrative control may have been established earlier, possibly already in 424/425, with 437 representing a subsequent legal formalisation rather than the initial transfer.¹⁴14. Moreau 2023, p. (…)

Christianity in Late Antique Sirmium until the Hunnic conquest: survey of history and topography↑

The 4th century was one of the most turbulent periods in the history of Christianity. It witnessed, first, a series of persecutions that ended with the Edict of Serdica in 311 and the so-called Edict of Milan in 313, which granted freedom of worship to Christians within the Roman Empire;¹⁵15. Машкин 1947, p. (…) and second, the Arian controversy—the debate over the nature of Christ and his relationship to God the Father—which led to the convening of the first two Ecumenical Councils: Nicaea in 325 (İznik, Türkiye) and Constantinople in 381 (Istanbul, Türkiye).¹⁶16. Острогорски 195 (…)

The traces of this long ecclesiastical drama are reflected in the history and archaeology of Sirmium, whose bishops were metropolitan bishops, since Sirmium was the capital of the Late Antique province of Pannonia Secunda.¹⁷17. Зелер 2005, p.  (…) A significant number of martyrs lost their lives in Sirmium during the persecutions of the early 4th century. Some of these are: Syneros; Montanus, a presbyter from Singidunum (Belgrade, Serbia), and his wife Maxima; Irenaeus, the bishop; Demetrius, his deacon (who will be discussed in more detail later in this paper); the deacons Fortunatus and Donatus; seven anonymous virgins; Sabbatia; Agrippinus; Secundus; Ursicinus; Basilla; Anastasia; and many others.¹⁸18. Bratož 2004, p. (…) The veneration of some of these martyrs is attested in the Late Antique epigraphy and Christian topography of Sirmium, subjects to be discussed further in this paper. Additionally, Sirmium itself became a battleground during the Arian controversy, hosting several—mostly pro-Arian—synods: in 347/348 (disputed), 351, 357, 358, and possibly in 378.¹⁹19. Cedilnik 2004, (…) Finally, a number of bishops are documented in Sirmium from the onset of the 4th century to the Hunnic conquest of 441, demonstrating a continuous ecclesiastical organisation in the city during the period in question (T. 1).²⁰20. Зелер 2005, p.  (…)

Made by the author.

The Christian topography of Late Antique Sirmium was shaped by the veneration and commemoration of martyrs and is known through the existence of several structures, so far mostly documented in the exurban areas of Sirmium.²¹21. Шпехар 2014, p. (…) These objects are as follows (figs. 2–3):

1. The Church of Saint Syneros, a martyrium, is a single-nave structure with a vestibule and one apse, located on the northern necropolis of Sirmium. Surrounded by graves and containing burials within, it was constructed in the mid-4th century. Its existence is confirmed by two inscriptions.²²22. Шпехар 2014, p. (…)
2. The Church of Saint Anastasia, apart from its mention in the Passio altera (BHG 497),²³23. Rizos (ed.) 201 (…) is also known from a single inscription dated between 330 and 400, while its exact findspot remains uncertain. Two hypotheses have been proposed regarding its location. The first, advanced by Miroslav Jeremić, suggests that the pagan temple at Site 47, near the church at Site 59, was converted into a church, as two distinct necropoleis developed around these structures. However, due to the absence of epigraphic confirmation, M. Jeremić ultimately concluded that the Church of Saint Anastasia could correspond to either of these buildings—the same uncertainty applying to the Church of Saint Demetrius, believed to have been built adjacent to it. The second hypothesis, proposed by Ivana Popović and Snežana Ferjančić, connects the Church of Saint Anastasia with a rectangular structure featuring an apse and surrounded by graves, both inside and outside (Site 60). This site is located extra muros north of the city walls and the building was destroyed in the 19th century. Their argument is based on the popularity of Saint Anastasia among the Ostrogoths and on the discovery of several Ostrogothic coins from the first half of the 6th century near the northern wall of Sirmium.²⁴24. Jeremić 2006, p (…)
3. The Church of Saint Irenaeus, a martyrium, is a single-nave structure with one apse, located on the eastern necropolis of Sirmium. Surrounded by graves and containing burials within, it was constructed between 330 and 341. Its existence is confirmed by one inscription.²⁵25. Guyon, Jeremić (…)
4. The memorial structure on the eastern necropolis is a building whose plan remains unknown, though the author who published the excavation results suggested it may have had a trefoil layout. Its construction is dated between 311/317 and 334/335, and it was built above Tomb 20, which features a depiction of the Good Shepherd and dates to the last third of the 3rd century. The erection of this structure indicates that inhumations continued both within and around it, as evidenced by the ongoing use of Tomb 20 until the reign of Emperor Jovian (363–364) and by the subsequent construction of Tombs 15, 16, and 17 nearby.²⁶26. Lučić 2022, p.  (…)
5. The trefoil structure with a vestibule on the eastern necropolis was not properly excavated, and much of the associated data—such as information about the burials within and around the presumed martyrium—has been lost. Its precise dating remains unknown.²⁷27. Јеремић 2004, p (…)
6. Adjacent to the trefoil structure is a single-nave church with a vestibule, often referred to as a chapel. Improper excavation has resulted in the loss of much of the associated data, and its precise dating remains unknown.²⁸28. Јеремић 2004, p (…)
7. A Christian structure—possibly a martyrium—was built in the first half of the 4th century on the site of Zidine/Širingrad in Mačvanska Mitrovica, located today on the opposite bank of the Sava River from Sremska Mitrovica. In Antiquity, however, this area was a river island most likely connected to Sirmium with a bridge. The necropolis surrounded the structure.²⁹29. Поповић 2003 (1 (…)
8. Lastly, there is a 5th-century urban church on Site 59 with burials inside and around it. Since this church is usually connected with the Church of Saint Demetrius, more attention to its description will be given later in the text.

After Miladinović-Radmilović 2011, Map 6; edited by the author.

After Милошевић 2001, p. 183; Јеремић 2004, p. 46, fig. 3; and Lučić 2025, p. 74; edited by the author.

Ad fontes! The martyrdom of Saint Demetrius, his church in Sirmium, and the elusive Praetorian Prefect Leontius↑

Saint Demetrius is one of the widely recognised saints, mainly venerated in Eastern Orthodox and Catholic churches. In early iconography, he was represented as a civil servant, but eventually evolved into a military saint and is represented as a soldier.³⁰30. Kousouros 2000, (…)

But what exactly is the story behind his martyrdom and what is his connection to Late Antique Sirmium? The question of his veneration in both Sirmium and Thessaloniki, as well as the differing accounts in his Passiones, has long been a subject of debate and a source of confusion among scholars.³¹31. Tóth 2010, p. 1 (…) The veneration of Saint Demetrius—the patron saint of both Sremska Mitrovica and Thessaloniki—was most likely transferred to Thessaloniki from Sirmium, but that his Pannonian background was overshadowed by the local context. The discrepancies between the “biographies” of Saint Demetrius in the Passio Pollionis and the Passio altera are explained by the fact that the defining element in the development of his cult in Thessaloniki was the location of his shrine, which was built over a former bathhouse. Bathhouses were closely associated with pre-Christian civic and religious life in Thessaloniki, particularly with the worship of the city’s tutelary deity, Cabirus.³²32. Tóth 2010, p. 1 (…) As the Passio altera (BHG 497) describes Demetrius’s death in the subterranean chambers of the bathhouse, it is possible that his cult in Thessaloniki represents a Christianised adaptation of the earlier cult of Cabirus.³³33. Rizos 2016, p.  (…)

The only source that mentions the construction of church dedicated to him in Sirmium is the Passio altera (BHG 497). The English translation is as follows:³⁴34. “Μέλλων δὲ ἀπέρ (…)

Now, planning to leave for Illyricum, he wished to take some of the relics of the martyr, in order to build also there a temple in the name of the saint. But the most glorious champion of Christ Demetrios appeared to him at night and deterred him from proceeding. He thus took his chlamys, which was covered with the holy blood, and a part of the orarion [handkerchief or stole?], and he made a silver casket (glossokomon) and placed them into it. On his way, severe winter broke out, and, the river Danube rumbled with strong current, so that its crossing was impossible even by boat for several days. And, as it was not calming down, but blocked the continuation of the journey, the Prefect was in distress. But then he saw the most glorious Demetrios telling him: “Give up all incredulity and distress, take up what you are carrying, and cross the river without hesitating!” So, at dusk, he got onto his vehicle holding in his hands the precious coffin (soros), and crossed the river in safety. Thus he arrived at Sirmium and placed the holy coffin with the treasure it contained at the most holy temple of the holy martyr Demetrios, which he built there, by the venerable house of the rightly victorious martyr Anastasia. And the Lord also performed many miracles and healings at every part of the journey where the vehicle and the animals stopped. By the grace and mercy and love for mankind of our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be glory and power now and forever and to the ages of ages. Amen.

Some authors of the hagiographic studies from this century, however, doubt the existence of the Praetorian Prefect Leontius in 5th-century Sirmium. Their arguments are as follows:

1. There is no evidence for the existence of the Praetorian Prefect Leontius in the period of second quarter of the 5th century, although both the Passio prima (BHG 495) and the Passio altera (BHG 497) state that the Praetorian Prefect Leontius ordered the construction of the Church of Saint Demetrius in Thessaloniki. On the other hand, the church in Thessaloniki has a phase from the early 6th century, and a certain Praetorian Prefect Leontius (most likely connected to the Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum, according to Jean-Michel Spieser) is mentioned in several sources connected to the year 510. This, combined with the author of the Passio altera (BHG 497) possibly being aware that Sirmium had once served as the seat of the prefecture, may have contributed to shaping the legend in that particular form.³⁵35. Spieser 1984, p (…)
2. According to P. Tóth, it is possible that Justinian I distorted the facts in Novella 11 in order to justify transferring the seat of the prefecture from Thessaloniki to the newly established Iustiniana Prima (Caričin Grad – Prekopčelica, Serbia).³⁶36. Tóth 2010, p. 1 (…) On the other hand, E. Rizos believes that the name of the prefect mentioned in Novella 11 as departing from Sirmium, Apraeemius, is likely a historical error and a corruption of the name of the last Praetorian Prefect of Illyricum and Africa around 395 before its transfer to Thessaloniki, Apodemius.³⁷37. Rizos 2016, p.  (…)

Truly, these arguments are difficult to counter with firm and clear evidence. Apart from the mentioned sources about the seat of the Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum in the second quarter of the 5th-century in Sirmium (Novella 11 and Passio altera [BHG 497]), no sources confirm this. However, known data that could be used for the potential defense of Novella 11 and Passio altera (BHG 497) is as follows:

1. Novella 11 mentions church administration abandoning Sirmium because of the Hunnic attack of 441.³⁸38. Nov. 11; Miller (…) A bishop of unknown name in Sirmium in 441 is testified by Priscus of Panius.³⁹39. Priscus, Fragme (…) Weak side of this is that the presence of a bishop does not imply the seat of the prefecture in Sirmium in the mentioned period.
2. The translators and commentators of the Novella 11 believe that Apraeemius is latinised version of the Syriac name Ephrem.⁴⁰40. Nov. 11; Miller (…) However, when searching in PLRE II, no information about potential Praetorian Prefect Ephrem could be found.⁴¹41. Martindale 1980 (…)
3. The Passio altera (BHG 497) states that the Church of Saint Demetrius was built next to the Church of Saint Anastasia, whose existence is confirmed by a 4th-century inscription found at an unknown location in Sirmium.⁴²42. Rizos (ed.) 201 (…) However, a possible weakness of this argument is that the relics of Saint Anastasia were transferred from Sirmium to Constantinople in the second half of the 5th century, which may suggest that the author of the Passio altera was familiar with the Christian topography of 5th-century Sirmium, even though the legend which connects Saint Anastasia with Sirmium was known in Rome and not in Thessaloniki/Constantinople in the Late Antique period.⁴³43. Vedriš 2007, p. (…)

Owing to the dubious nature of the hagiographic sources—which, while containing elements of historical truth, are not always precise—⁴⁴44. Smirnov-Brkić 2 (…) and the absence of additional evidence confirming the presence of the Praetorian Prefect Leontius in Sirmium during the second quarter of the 5th century, it remains difficult to reach a definitive conclusion. The counterarguments are not strong enough to refute the views of P. Tóth and E. Rizos, and point towards the fact that their views are most likely correct, i.e. that the seat of the Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum was not in Sirmium in the second quarter of the 5th century.

The church on Site 59 and its necropolis↑

The church on Site 59, located at 10 Kralja Petra I Street in Sremska Mitrovica, was uncovered during excavations in 1978 and 1981. The investigations revealed that the church had been constructed on the foundations of an earlier building. Today, its remains are preserved within a glass-enclosed area, accessible to visitors inside a modern structure in the city centre (fig. 4). A coin dated to 394–402 was discovered in the layer between the floor of the underlying building and the church’s apse, providing a terminus post quem for the construction of the church.⁴⁵45. Милошевић 1994, (…)

© Jovan Milinković; used with permission.

It is likely that the church was constructed above the remains of a pagan temple, which was located in the central area of Sirmium, on the southern periphery of the forum.⁴⁶46. Jeremić 2006, p (…) There are, however, several issues concerning the position of the church within the urban context and topograhy of 5th-century Sirmium. It is generally assumed that a reduction of the urban area of Sirmium occurred in the early 5th century. This conclusion is based on the concentration of archaeological finds in the southern half of the city and on the presence of a wall at Site 54, located c. 50 m north of the church, which has been interpreted as the new northern boundary of the reduced urban area. This wall, however, is only briefly mentioned in the literature, and its function remains poorly understood.⁴⁷47. Поповић 2003 (1 (…) Moreover, newly identified finds of semi-processed bones and antlers dated to 5th–6th century period are located north of this presumed “new” wall, in 91A Stari Šor Street.⁴⁸48. Lučić 2025, p.  (…) This evidence complicates the interpretation of the wall as a definitive urban boundary and leaves the question of the spatial reduction of Sirmium open.

Parts of the church were constructed using reused broken bricks, an indicator of the urban decline that affected Sirmium from the late 4th century onwards.⁴⁹49. Јеремић 2002, p (…) As the total length of the structure could not be excavated, the dimensions of the narthex remain unknown. The naos measures 11.25 metres in width and 15.30 metres in its preserved length. The building was a three-aisled basilica. The stylobates of the colonnades separating the aisles were founded on the levelled walls of an earlier structure. The transept and the single apse of the church were founded on wooden stakes. The apse measures 6.25 metres in width, and the altar area was elevated above the rest of the interior. Within the apse, a brick-built synthronon was uncovered, although no traces of the cathedra episcopalis were registered (fig. 5).⁵⁰50. Поповић 2003 (1 (…)

After Поповић 2003 (1987), p. 214, fig. 3; edited by the author.

A basilica with transept is not characteristic for church architecture of Late Roman Pannonian provinces.⁵¹51. Gáspár 2002, p. (…) This form is most prevalent in provinces located in present-day Greece and Asia Minor during the 5th and 6th centuries, but can also be found in present-day Albania, Bulgaria, the Levant, and along the North African coast in the mentioned period.⁵²52. Stein 2006, p.  (…) This could mean that the church on Site 59 was built by people coming from these areas.⁵³53. V. Popović emph (…)

A necropolis developed both inside and around the church, containing a total of 30 burials dug into a layer of 4th-century rubble. The necropolis began developing after the construction of the church and was located in the church (the naos and the narthex area) and its direct surroundigs (northeast of the apse) (Site 59). After that it spread to include sites 46 and 47 (east and northeast of the church) (fig. 6). Graves were mostly constructed of bricks with either flat or gabled covers. In addition, two small sarcophagi were discovered within the church.⁵⁴54. Popović 2012, p (…)

After Поповић 2003 (1987), p. 216, fig. 4.

Five burials from extra muros cemeteries were likely reinterred in this necropolis. According to Vladislav Popović, this reflected the anxiety and insecurity experienced during the troubled period of the late 4th and early 5th centuries.⁵⁵55. Поповић 2003 (1 (…)

Grave goods included late 4th-century coins, a knife, 5th-century fibulae, and bone combs. The upper layers of the church were disturbed by Ottoman-period horizons, which prevented the establishment of a complete stratigraphic sequence and, consequently, a secure chronology of the building. The finds from the necropolis suggest that the burials ceased after the Hunnic attack of 441 and were not resumed thereafter.⁵⁶56. Popović 2012, p (…)

The majority of authors consider this church to be the one dedicated to Saint Demetrius,⁵⁷57. Милошевић 1994, (…) following the assumption of V. Popović.⁵⁸58. Поповић 2003 (1 (…) Yet, there are those who show certain degree of reservation towards such identification.⁵⁹59. Jeremić 2006, p (…)

At the present state of research, it appears that the church on Site 59 most likely cannot be identified with the one from the Passio Altera (BHG 497). The arguments are as follows:

1. There is no firm evidence that a Praetorian Prefect Leontius was active in Sirmium during the second quarter of the 5th century, nor that the city functioned at that time as the seat of the Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum. The arguments of P. Tóth and E. Rizos suggest that both the Passio altera (BHG 497) and Novella 11 contain historical conflations, combining the memory of Sirmium as a prefectural seat around 395 with that of Leontius in Thessaloniki in the early 6th century.⁶⁰60. Tóth 2010, p. 1 (…) If the presumed activity of Praetorian Prefect Leontius in Sirmium in the second quarter of the 5th century is taken as the sole prerequisite for identifying a Late Antique church of Saint Demetrius on Site 59, then, in light of these arguments, such an identification must remain unconfirmed unless supported by new evidence.
2. The absence of epigraphic material likewise prevents the secure attribution of the church to any specific saint at present.

The only remaining possibility that the church on Site 59 could correspond to the one mentioned in the Passio altera (BHG 497) and be identified as the church of Saint Demetrius lies in the suggestion, emphasised by P. Tóth, that hagiographic narratives may retrospectively attach new stories to already existing buildings or traditions. It therefore remains possible that the church on Site 59 was indeed the church of Saint Demetrius, around which such a later hagiographic narrative was constructed,⁶¹61. Tóth 2010, p. 1 (…) although this can only be confirmed by future archaeological or epigraphic evidence.

In summary, if new sources or inscriptions were to demonstrate that the Praetorian Prefect Leontius was indeed active in Sirmium during this period, the question could be reopened. Until such evidence emerges, however, the available data support the conclusions reached in this paper.

Final remarks↑

The investigation of the Late Antique Church of Saint Demetrius in Sirmium demonstrates how closely intertwined archaeological, historical, and hagiographical evidence must be treated when reconstructing the Christian topography of Late Antique cities. The long-standing identification of the basilica on Site 59 with the church mentioned in the Passio altera (BHG 497) rests on a chain of assumptions that require reconsideration in light of recent scholarship.

The arguments advanced by P. Tóth and E. Rizos strongly suggest that both the Passio altera (BHG 497) and Justinian’s Novella 11 preserve conflated or anachronistic memories, combining the role of Sirmium as a prefectural seat around 395 with the presumed activity of the Praetorian Prefect Leontius in Thessaloniki in the early 6th century. In the absence of independent confirmation that a Praetorian Prefect named Leontius was active in Sirmium the second quarter of the 5th century, the historical basis for a 5th-century foundation of a Church of Saint Demetrius in the city remains insecure.

The archaeological evidence from Site 59 likewise does not compel such an identification. While the basilica is clearly a 5th-century urban church with a necropolis developing within and around it, no evidence allows it to be connected securely with a specific saint. The lack of epigraphic evidence is particularly decisive in this regard.

Taken together, the current state of evidence does not permit the secure identification of the church on Site 59 with the Church of Saint Demetrius described in the Passio altera (BHG 497). While the memory of Saint Demetrius remained deeply embedded in the later Christian landscape and identity of Sirmium, the archaeological and historical data available at present do not allow the localisation of his Late Antique church within the excavated remains. Only the discovery of new written sources or epigraphic material, particularly evidence for the activity of Leontius in Sirmium during the second quarter of the 5th century or a direct dedication to Saint Demetrius, would justify reopening this question.

This work was presented at the conference named From Nicaea to the Present Day (325–2025). The Lasting Importance of the First Ecumenical Council, held in Belgrade (Serbia) from the 11th to the 12th of December 2025. The author would like to express his gratitude to Jasmina S. Ćirić, Hrvoje Gračanin, Jovan Milinković, Dominic Moreau, and two anonymous reviewers for their assistance and useful comments.